By Marty B. Lorenzo
Excerpted from Michigan Journal on Race and Law
© 1997 Marty B. Lorenzo; University of Michigan School of Law
Even though Asian immigrants come from various countries, the term
"Asian Americans" has been used to group us all together. This failure
to differentiate between the different Asian ethnicities allows the majority to
group all Asian Americans under the "model minority" stereotype. The
model minority myth is detrimental to Asian Americans in two ways. First, Asian
Americans are described as successfully assimilated into American society
because we are "hardworking, intelligent, and successful," especially
as compared to other people of color. On the other hand, the myth says that
Asian Americans, while skilled in math and science, have low verbal abilities
and community skills, are one-dimensional "grinds;" and lack
personality and individuality. Politicians use the first part of the myth to
attack race-conscious admissions programs as either victimizing Asian Americans
at the expense of other people of color, or unnecessary in light of the success
of one minority group. The second part of the myth pigeon-holes Asian Americans
into specific fields (such as engineering or nursing) and reinforces glass
ceilings in employment. This model minority myth has led "public policy
makers and corporate leaders to . . . dismiss the idea that [Asian Americans]
have any problems that require serious attention." Some scholars have noted
that this "laissez-faire approach" to all Asian Americans persists
"notwithstanding the tremendous heterogeneity among the ethnicities that
make up the racial category Asian Pacific Americans."
The model minority myth has had the same effect on some admissions programs
which now fail to consider Asian Americans as diversity applicants. For example,
the Stanford Asian and Pacific Islander Law Students Association (APILSA) wrote
a memorandum to the faculty of Stanford Law School, questioning the Stanford Law
School's treatment of all Asian ethnicities in aggregate and the school's
failure to include any of them in the diversity admissions program. Stanford's
APILSA called for the school's admissions program to recognize the "unique
experiences" of the various Asian and Pacific Islander ethnicities and
advocated consideration of underrepresented Asian and Pacific Islander
ethnicities as a positive factor in admissions decisions.
In a recent law review article, Paul Brest, the Dean of the Stanford Law
School, noted that the number of Asian American law students has grown over the
last decade and appears to continue to grow with a large majority of these
students being Chinese, Korean, or Japanese Americans. Brest continued, "[t]o
the extent that the status of recent immigrants is tractable and improves over
time, one would expect more group members to attend professional schools."
This disregards the fact that Filipinos are less represented in colleges and
graduate schools than Japanese and Chinese Americans. Filipinos are not recent
immigrants so there must be some other explanation for their underrepresentation
in higher education and in the legal profession. Moreover, assuming that the
Asian ethnic sub-groups that are relatively new additions to the Asian American
classification would follow the lead of their predecessors is an implicit
acceptance of the model minority myth. This implicit acceptance perpetuates the
myth and is therefore unacceptable.
A law school should consider the educational value of having students or
faculty members from "disadvantaged Southeast Asian or Pacific Island
groups-- especially those whose cultures are quite different from those of most
others at the school and who by virtue of size or the school's geographic locale
may be of significance in the professional lives of its graduates." In
light of the recent changes in the landscape surrounding race-conscious
measures, perhaps cautious support from school administrations is the best that
advocates of race-conscious measures can hope for at this time. However, this
Article advocates greater support of race-conscious measures.
Aside from the support from school administrations, diversity programs
require the support of the Asian American community as well. Although there may
be an increasing number of Asian American ethnicities that are relatively well-
represented, there are those that remain under-represented. Furthermore, despite
the widely held belief that Asian Americans have succeeded in accessing
mainstream America, out of the entire American legal profession in 1990 Asian
Americans comprised only 1.4% of the lawyers and only 1.02% of the total number
of judges.
Asian Americans have been painted as being the victims of race-conscious
classifications. Race-conscious classifications have been targeted as the reason
why Asian Americans are being denied admission to highly selective schools. This
argument states that if schools would use a strictly meritocratic system and
discontinue the use of racial preferences, more higher-scoring Asian Americans
would be admitted. Alternatively, race-conscious classifications and the call
for diversity have been criticized as allowing a preference for whites over
Asians. This section addresses these two assertions and calls for the Asian
American community (inasmuch as there is a unified community) to support the use
of race-conscious methods towards the goal of diversity in order to dispel these
myths
Some Asian Americans argue against race-conscious measures as being
inherently unfair. They accuse the quotas for other groups of "'taking'
admission slots from Asian Americans." These Asian Americans appear to
advocate a strict "meritocratic" system which would allow "fair
competition" between all groups on the basis of test scores.
Asian Americans have been deliberately painted as innocent victims of race-
conscious measures as a justification for discontinuing their use. The reliance
on test scores as the sole means of determining the most qualified applicants is
flawed and ignores the merits of diversity. Advocating a system that looks only
to test results furthers the loss of our culture. The majority culture would
never let itself be squeezed out by "higher-scoring Asians" who are
already viewed as being overrepresented. In fact, the existence of "upper
limit quotas" for Asian Americans at some universities has been examined.
In a "purely meritocratic system," Asian Americans can easily be
disadvantaged by the manipulation of seemingly neutral factors. Some scholars
note that "Asian Americans would be disadvantaged if a university gave
greater weight to the verbal portion of the SAT exam or no credit for
non-European foreign language skills." Because universities have
manipulated test scores in precisely this manner, "we should be skeptical
about claims that academic merit is a scientifically measurable characteristic
that can be gauged objectively." Asian Americans should support the use of
race-conscious measures to further diversity in order to prevent the emergence
of a system that ignores the merits of cultural diversity.
Professor Wu states that "[t]he real risk to Asian Americans is that
they will be squeezed out to provide proportionate representation to whites, not
due to the marginal impact of setting aside a few spaces for African
Americans." Some have criticized diversity programs which call for
proportional representation as creating quotas for whites when there are
"too many Asians." However, diversity does not call for proportional
representation, nor does it ever call for the majority to disadvantage an
outside group, even in the course of benefiting another group. If a differential
standard of review, subjecting race-conscious measures favoring whites over
other groups to strict scrutiny and subjecting race-conscious measures
advantaging disempowered groups to intermediate scrutiny, were to have become
the standard, it may have alleviated the danger of diversity programs reserving
quotas for whites. However, this theoretical safe-haven was destroyed by Adarand.
In order to alleviate the danger of upper limit quotas, Asian Americans must
advocate race-conscious measures to further diversity programs which recognize
the benefits of exposure to varying cultures and do not call for proportional
representation. Whatever else Asian Americans decide about race-conscious
measures, "we should not allow ourselves to be used to attack other people
of color."Moreover, Asian Americans must understand their heterogeneity and
advocate race-conscious measures that assist underrepresented Asian ethnicities.