©1999 By T.A. Mok
Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology
Volume 5, Pages 103-117
The majority of research on romantic relationships has tended to focus on
marriage, with relatively less attention paid to dating. This study examined
the relationship between Asian American dating, both interracial and
intraracial, and a variety of factors thought to be associated with dating in
this population, including acculturation, ethnic identity, attractiveness,
interracial dating experience, ethnicity of friends, parental influence over
dating, and density. Participants were administered measures of these
variables and were asked questions regarding their likelihood of dating both
Asian Americans and White Americans. An interesting pattern of results emerged
when the variables were put into regression equations to predict both
interracial and intraracial dating. Findings are presented and implications
discussed.
The United States
population is increasingly becoming more racially and ethnically
diverse;
indeed, a special issue of Time magazine (Jamieson &
Seaman,
1993) spoke of "The New Face of America: How Immigrants Are Shaping the
World's First Multicultural Society." This special issue addressed not
only the changing demographics of the United States but also the way
members
of this multicultural society have increasingly interacted with one
another
in different facets of life, including marriage. Interracial
relationships
have been discussed in a number of forums, from scholarly journals and
books to mass market magazines and newspapers, where the topic has
ranged
from the academic to the emotional. A general conclusion is that
interracial
marriage in the United States is increasing and that Asian Americans
make
up a significant proportion of people who are involved in such
relationships.
Interracial
relationships
between Asians and Whites have been the subject of strong, heated
debate
for decades. Although these relationships in the United States have not
been restricted by law for some time, such unions still invoke opinions
ranging from open acceptance to rigid intolerance. The majority of
research
that has examined interracial unions has tended to focus on interracial
marriages. Relatively less attention has been paid to interracial
dating,
due perhaps to the more tenuous nature of dating. Much of the
information
regarding interracial dating has been extrapolated from interracial
marriage
literature.
The subject of
interracial
relationships can function as a lens through which to observe
intergroup
relations, social distance, and racial group cohesion. Erik Erikson's
influential
theory of human development speaks to the necessity of forming romantic
and sexual relationships as part of normal, healthy social development.
His theory states that seeking romantic relationships is a pivotal
element
in the quest for one's personal identity (Erikson, 1950). The present
study
is one of the few that examine the effect that race has on Asian
Americans'
choice of dating partners.
Difficulties With
Interracial
Marriage Literature
One of the
difficulties
with this area of study is the meaning of different terms. For the sake
of clarity, this article refers to interracial relationships as those
that
are between people of two different races (e.g., a White American and
an
Asian American). Intraracial relationships are those that occur between
people of the same race, regardless of differing ethnicity (e.g., a
relationship
between two Asian Americans: a Japanese American and a Korean American).
Another
difficulty
dealing with existing research on Asian American and White American
interracial
marriages is the lack of standardization in how rates of intermarriage
have been assessed (Fujino, 1992; Shinagawa & Pang, 1988; Sung,
1990).
As Sung (1990) explained, suppose four Asian Americans, two men and two
women, decided to marry. Two of the Asian Americans decided to many
each
other, whereas the other two Asian Americans decided to marry Whites.
In
actuality, 50% of the people in the group interracially married.
However,
there were three marriages, one of which was intraracial whereas the
other
two were interracial. The rate based on marriages would be 33%
intraracial
and 67% interracial. Thus, rates based on marriages are always higher
than rates based on individuals, creating difficulties when comparing
figures
based on different reference groups (Sung, 1990). Most of the data
citing
intermarriage rates have been based on marriages as the unit of
analysis,
although researchers have advocated the use of individuals over
marriages
when calculating rates (Shinagawa & Pang, 1988).
Further
complicating
the comparison of interracial marriage rates from year to year are the
classifications assigned to racial groups in the United States by the
Census
Bureau. Not until 1980 did the United States make racial distinctions
beyond
those of "Black" and 'White.' Therefore, it is impossible to compare
accurately
the rate of interracial marriage between Asian Americans and White
Americans
prior to 1980 with rates after 1980.
Another
difficulty
in comparing rates of interracial marriages through the years is due to
the nature of studies that have examined this phenomenon. Most of the
studies
of Asian American interracial marriage have focused on the Asian
American
population in California (e.g., Kikumura & Kitano, 1973; Kitano
&
Chai, 1982; Kitano & Yeung, 1982; Kitano, Yeung, Chai, &
Hatanaka,
1984), New York (e.g., Sung, 1990), or Hawaii (e.g., Labov &
Jacobs,
1986)-three places with relatively high concentrations of Asian
Americans.
Although the information from these studies has formed a solid base for
research, the results of these studies are limited in their
generalizability
to other areas of the United States.
Ratios and Trends
To compensate for
the
potential difficulties, particularly with rate calculation, I describe
Lee and Yamanaka's (1990) study briefly here. Using the individual as
the
unit of measurement for rate calculation, Lee and Yamanaka analyzed
U.S.
Census data and found that the overall rate of interracial marriage for
all Asian Americans across the United States was 25.4%. More
specifically,
they found interracial marriage rates of 15.7% for Chinese Americans,
34.2%
for Japanese Americans, and 31.8% for Korean Americans.
One of the few
studies
to assess rates of interracial and intraracial dating was conducted
by
Fujino (1992), who used the individual as the unit of measurement in
examining
Chinese Americans and Japanese Americans in a West Coast university.
She
found that rates of interracial dating by ethnicity and sex ranged from
18.8% to 44.6%. Rates of intraracial dating tended to be much higher,
ranging
from 36.8% to 67.3%. In general, Fujino found that people within her
Asian
American sample tended to date intraracially at a much higher rate than
they dated interracially. The only exception was for Japanese American
women, who had a higher rate of interracial dating than they did of
intraracial
dating.
A few patterns or
trends
within the interracial dating and marriage literature appear to be
relatively
consistent: (a) Asian American women date and marry White men at a
higher
rate than Asian American men date and marry White women (Kitano &
Chai,
1982; Kitano & Yeung, 1982; Kitano et al., 1984), (b) the rate of
Asian-White
interracial relationships is considerably higher than it is for other
U.S.
ethnic groups with White Americans (Lee & Yamanaka, 1990), and (c)
if Asian Americans do not marry someone from their specific ethnic
group,
their next most likely choice is a White American over other Asian
ethnic
groups (Fujino, 1992; Lee & Yamanaka, 1990).
Many of the
studies
that have examined Asian American romantic relationships have described
how a variety of demographic factors (e.g., age, income level,
generational
level, occupation) affect partner choice for Asian Americans. And
although
the literature dealing with Asian American relationships covers a
broad
spectrum of motives for and emotional responses to choosing a partner,
much of the information thus far obtained has been culled from personal
first-hand accounts, rather than from empirical study. Variables that
are
often cited as important factors influencing the dating behaviors of
Asian
Americans include familiarity with mainstream American culture, pride
in
one's ethnic group, personal definitions of attractiveness, dating
experiences,
ethnicity of friends, parental influence, and density of ethnic groups
and community members. These were the variables that were investigated
in this study.
Acculturation
American
anthropology
in the 1920s when researchers became interested in contact between
"primitive"
and "civilized" cultures (Keefe & Padilla, 1987). Acculturation is
defined essentially as change occurring as the result of continuous
contact
between cultural groups. Although acculturation may affect both
cultural
groups in contact with one another, the term is generally used to refer
to the change within an immigrant or minority ethnic group whose
culture
progressively emulates that of the dominant majority group. For Asian
Americans,
therefore, the more acculturated an individual, the more that person
has
adopted the values and norms of the mainstream White American culture
(Huang
& Ying, 1991).
Research has
suggested
that Asian American women tend to acculturate at a faster rate compared
with Asian American men (Meredith & Meredith, 1966; Sue &
Morishima,
1982; Weiss, 1970). Researchers have speculated that ethnic minority
women
pose less of a threat to society than do ethnic minority men. Asian
American
women, therefore, might be more accepted by society and acculturate
faster
than Asian American men do. This might be a factor in the explanation
for
the higher interracial dating and marriage rates between Asian women
and
White men than that of Asian men and White women.
Although
researchers
have stressed the importance of acculturation on Asian American
interracial
relationships, its effect has never been assessed directly. Instead,
research often has focused on other factors that have been shown to be
correlated
positively with acculturation. A host of studies have examined
generational
level (Kitano et al., 1984; Sung, 1990; Tinker, 1982; Weiss, 1970),
whereas
other studies have examined length of residence in the United States
(Kikumura
& Kitano, 1973; Lee & Yamanaka, 1990). Even studies that
directly
mention the relationship of acculturation to interracial dating (e.g.,
Weiss, 1970) present no evidence as to how they have measured this
construct.
The present study used the original 21-itern Suinn-Lew Asian
Self-Identity
Acculturation (SLASIA) scale (Suinn, Rickard-Figueroa, Lew, &
Vigil,
1987). I predicted that acculturation would be positively related to
interracial
dating and negatively related to intraracial dating.
Ethnic Identity
Ethnic identity
is
often at the heart of discussion over interracial relationships. When
Asian
Americans are accused of 'selling out' by dating White Americans, the
assumption
is that they have little pride in their own ethnic group, its members,
or even themselves.
Ethnic identity
is
a broad construct concerning the psychological relationship of ethnic
and
racial group members with their own group (Phinney, 1989). Ethnic
identity
encompasses issues such as the quality and length of involvement one
has
with one's own cultural heritage. Another important aspect of ethnic
identity
is directly related to ways of responding to and dealing with the
majority
culture's views of the minority group. Because ethnic identity research
has gained social prominence and importance only within approximately
the
last 30 years (Phinney, 1992), there has been little more than
speculation
as to how ethnic identity might affect an Asian American's decision
about
the ethnicity of potential dating partners. Intuitively, on the basis
of
theories advanced by ethnic identity researchers, a per- son with lower
ethnic identity might be more likely than a person with higher ethnic
identity
to date interracially. However, there is some qualitative research that
contradicts this claim. Sung (1990) interviewed Asian Americans who
voiced
strong pride in their ethnic group, yet were married to White
Americans.
Thus, an aim of this study was to investigate how ethnic identity
related
to both interracial and intraracial dating.
Heterosexual
Attractiveness
An important
factor
in interpersonal attraction is physical attractiveness (Berscheid &
Walster, 1978). However, psychological research on physical attraction
has tended not to focus on the impact culture has on shaping standards
of beauty (Hall, 1995). Research that has been conducted on Asian
Americans
and physical attractiveness has come to two conclusions: (a) Asian
Americans
do not believe they are physically as attractive as White Americans
(Arkoff
& Weaver, 1966; Chen & Yang, 1986; Huang & Ying, 1991;
Pang,
Mizokawa, Morishima, & Oistad, 1985; Sue & Morishima, 1982),
and
(b) Asian Americans impart more positive qualities to Whites than to
their
own ethnic group (Fujino, 1992; Kikumura & Kitano, 1973; Weiss,
1970).
These conclusions have obvious ramifications for Asian American dating
relationships.
Researchers have
highlighted
a sex difference when it comes to stereotypes imputed to Asian American
men and women. Despite evidence that Asian American women do not feel
that
they are as attractive as their White counterparts, the stereotypes
often
imputed to them include being exotic, subservient, or simply nice,
making
them highly desirable dating partners for White men (Fujino, 1992;
Williams,
1994). On the other hand, Asian American men especially feel that they
are less attractive than White men (White & Chan, 1983). Mainstream
media in the United States reinforce this picture of Asian men by often
portraying them as sexless and lacking in the social skills and
physical
appearance that attract women in U.S. society. Asian American women
appear
to believe in this message to a certain extent, often citing the
relative
un- attractiveness of Asian American men as reasons for preferring to
date
White American men (Houston, 1980; Kikumura & Kitano, 1973;
Prosser,
1992; Weiss, 1970). Researchers have speculated that belief in these
stereotypes
may contribute to the imbalance in the pairing of Asian women with
White
men as compared with the pairing of White women with Asian men. Finding
Whites more attractive than Asians might lead to a preference for
interracial
dating over intraracial dating.
Interracial
Dating
Experience
Previous research
has
sometimes focused on current romantic relationships while neglecting to
investigate prior dating history. Weiss (1970) found that Asian
American
women who had dated White Americans preferred to continue to date
Whites
rather than Asian Americans. It has been argued that, the more
experience
a person has with dating a certain ethnic group, the more likely that
person
would be to date that ethnic group in the future (Kikumura &
Kitano,
1973; Weiss, 1970).
Asian American
Friendship
Ethnicity of a
person's
friends is another variable that has been speculated to be related to
choice
of dating partners (Kikumura & Kitano, 1973; Spickard, 1989; Sung,
1990; Weiss, 1970). The pool of friendships one has may greatly
influence
the selection of potential dating partners. Thus, an Asian American who
has many Asian American friends may be more likely to date
intraracially
as compared with an Asian American with few Asian American friends.
Parental Influence
The most
prominent
obstacle in pursuing an interracial relationship has been said to be
parental
objections (Kikumura & Kitano, 1973; Kitano et al., 1984; Shon
&
ja, 1982; Spickard, 1989; Sung, 1985, 1990). Although traditional
Asian
values regarding dating and marriage are undoubtedly diluted for many
present-day
Asian Americans, some traditional Asian family values have continued to
endure (Sung, 1985). Asian American adolescents may not be encouraged
to
date (Sung, 1985; Weiss, 1970) as much as their White counterparts. In
addition, many Asian Americans have been disowned or cut off from their
families for dating non-Asians (Fentress, 1992; Nachman, 1987; Sung,
1990).
Asian Americans, therefore, who perceive their parents as having a
lot
of influence over partner choice may be more likely to date
intraracially
than Asian Americans who do not perceive parental influence over their
dating.
Density
A final factor
often
cited as influencing the dating behavior of Asian Americans is density
(Kikumura & Kitano, 1973; Kitano et al., 1984; Labov & Jacobs,
1986; Lee & Yamanaka, 1990; Sue & Morishima, 1982). Density
refers
to the relative proportion of a person's ethnic group in comparison
with
other ethnic groups in the community in which that person grew up. For
Asian Americans, therefore, density refers to the percentage of Asian
Americans
in one's neighborhood while growing up. If the number of Asians or
Asian
Americans where a person grew up was negligible, one's choices for
potential
intraracial dating partners would be drastically limited. It seems
likely
then that density of Asians or Asian Americans in one's community while
growing up would be correlated negatively with the likelihood of dating
White Americans, and correlated positively with the likelihood of
dating
Asian Americans.
Objectives of the
Present
Study and Hypotheses
In summary, the
objectives
of the present study were to (a) ascertain the rates of interracial
and
intraracial dating among Asian American college students by using the
individual
as the unit of analysis; (b) examine empirically the relationships of
acculturation,
ethnic identity, perceptions of heterosexual attractiveness,
interracial
dating experience, Asian American friendship, parental influence, and
density
to both interracial and intraracial dating; (c) determine predictors of
interracial dating relationships; and (d) determine predictors of
intraracial
dating relationships. The following specific hypotheses were proposed:
Hypothesis 1:
Likelihood
of dating White Americans will be correlated positively with
acculturation,
perceiving Whites as more attractive than Asians, and interracial
dating
experience.
Hypothesis 2:
Likelihood
of dating White Americans "I be correlated negatively with ethnic
identity,
Asian American friendship, parental influence, and density.
Hypothesis 3:
Likelihood
of dating Asian Americans will be correlated positively with ethnic
identity,
Asian American friendship, parental influence, and density.
American friendship,
parental influence, and density.
Hypothesis 4:
Likelihood
of dating Asian Americans will be correlated negatively with
acculturation,
perceiving Whites as more attractive than Asians, and interracial
dating
experience.
Note: Methods and much of the
Results section are skipped here. Also, the Reference section. Please
see your professor for the full article,if interested.
Results
Rates of dating
were
calculated on the basis of the information as to participants' cur-
rent
dating status. With only one exception, participants who were currently
dating indicated either Asian Americans (60%) or White Americans (39%)
as their partners. There were no significant differences between men
and
women in terms of the ethnicity of their dating partners or the
frequency
that they were dating, x 2(l , N= 67) = 0.89, p > .34. Of the 157
participants,
a total of 67 indicated that they were dating currently. Forty Asian
Americans
(19 women and 21 men) were intraracially dating, whereas 27 (16 women
and 11 men) were interracially dating.
Implications and
Conclusions
This study was
useful
in articulating factors that are related to Asian Americans' dating
likelihoods.
It assessed actual rates of dating and examined a host of variables
that
appear to be good predictors of Asian American romantic relationships.
A strength of this study comes from its sample, as there is a paucity
of
research on Asian Americans in the Midwest.
Of interest was
the
finding that two distinct models predicted likelihood of dating White
Americans
and likelihood of dating Asian Americans. This suggests that different
factors are salient in choosing either to date interracially or to date
intraracially, and that, contrary to the simple zero-order
correlations,
a choice to date Whites is not simply the mirror opposite of a choice
to
date Asians.
In terms of
likelihood
of dating Whites, ethnic identity was a nonsignificant predictor,
whereas
acculturation was a significant predictor. The implication of this is
that
likelihood of dating White Americans might be influenced more by higher
levels of acculturation rather than by lower ethnic identity. In other
words, the degree to which the dominant White culture is seen as the
reference
group may be more important than lack of identification with one's own
ethnic group. Finding that ethnic identity is less powerful a force
than
acculturation speaks to the most charged claims made against
interracial
daters: that they are "sell-outs" to their race. Although ethnic
identity
is related to some degree to likelihood of dating White Americans,
these
findings demonstrate that how an Asian American feels about his or her
race may not be as important a factor for determining likelihood of
interracial
dating as is acculturation.
This study was
also
able to delineate some interesting findings related to the nature of
the
SLASIA scale as a measure of acculturation. Perhaps the SLASIA scale,
as it was used in this study, was not a thorough enough assessment of
acculturation
to predict intraracial dating behavior among Asian Americans. When put
into a regression equation, the SLASIA scale was more useful as an
error
reducer than as a predictor itself. However, it was found to be a
useful-and
highly significant-predictor of dating behavior at a zero-order level.
Further research might probe into what specific aspects of
acculturation
might signal a willingness to date either interracially or intraracially.